Tuesday, September 29, 2009

Whose forest is it anyway?


by Subrata Singh, Sisir Pradhan & Smriti Das

Community forest management institutions are now faced with the threat posed by State policies on participatory forestry

In Orissa, there are cases of forest protection initiatives by communities dating back to the thirties and forties. Need-based protection, however, began mainly in the late seventies. Now thousands of villages across Orissa have taken the initiative to protect and regenerate their forests, because they fear that if action is not taken immediately the situation will worsen. The goal of these self-initiated groups was protection and regeneration, independent of the forest department, with conservation as their underlying philosophy, and to meet local needs in the present as well as the future. These communities are of the view that conservation is not possible if the needs of the local people are not met. The management strategy too had one common element –- to not completely prohibit access to forests but rather to control and regulate it. Over a period of time these village institutions have developed their own rules and regulations regarding protection and use, corresponding to their social and environmental conditions.

The strong community initiatives in Orissa can be illustrated with the case of Athamallik area in Angul district of central Orissa. It explores the strong inter-relationship of communities with local resources, one eventually lending identity to the other. Athamallik, a princely state until 1st January 1948, covers an area of 1841 square kilometres of which nearly thirty per cent is Reserved Forests. The tract has a diverse physiography with a succession of plains, isolated hills, hill ranges and valleys. In the south, there is the flood plain of Mahanadi, bounding which rises over the extensive and towering Panchadhara hill range. Maximum deforestation in this area took place in the first two decades after Independence as the forest was seen as a source of revenue. In addition, clear felling for agricultural purposes along with felling by rural communities for subsistence worsened the impact, which began to have a negative effect on the livelihoods of the rural communities who depended on the forests for their basic subsistence.

Community initiatives

Owing to such massive degradation of forests, there was a severe scarcity of forest products that had been a source of livelihood to local communities for years. These people depended on the forests not only for fuel, fodder and timber, but also for the basics -– varieties of tubers, roots, fruits, berries and leaves that supplemented their diet. The degradation began to have an effect on their agriculture due to siltation and the drying up of streams. They realised that it was up to them to take the initiative; they could not depend on the forest department. This motivated them to organise themselves to protect and manage their forests. The forest department, during that period, was oriented more towards earning revenue from the forests rather than their protection.

The receding forest and the consequent problems were experienced first-hand by the village communities residing nearby. Their concern was translated into action and the communities took strong initiatives to organise themselves to sustainably protect and manage the forests, without waiting for any supportive policies. They formed some kind of user group regulations to safeguard the interests of the community, which had taken up the job of protection of a patch of forest. In the initial years, the communities started protection of the adjoining Protected Forests and later took up protection of the adjoining Reserved Forests too. Restricted access, regular patrolling, monitoring thinning, etc. were a part of their plan to regenerate the forests. The communities also developed mechanisms for resolution of conflicts and imposing sanctions on those not willing to abide.

Forest department initiatives

In the last decade, the forest department has pioneered radical responses to forest management in India after realising that the forests cannot be protected by "policing" alone, but by involving the village communities in the task of protection. Orissa passed its first resolution in 1988, soliciting the inclusion of local communities in the protection of Reserved Forests in lieu of certain subsistence requirements from these forests. Later, in 1990, this scheme was extended to "protected forests". The Orissa government again brought out another resolution in 1993 to declare the forest department and communities as "equal partners" in the task of forest protection and management. However, the above resolutions failed to appeal to the communities as the proposed institutional and management concepts were unrealistic. The freedom of the communities to decide on the use of forests; items of extraction, period of extraction, etc. and to resolve conflicts independently was curbed as the power to make the final decision was left to the forest department. The sharing of the final harvest in the ratio 50:50, proposed in the 1993 resolution, was unacceptable to the communities already protecting the forests and using the benefits. The concept of final harvests, in many cases, was against the principles of protection by the communities. These policy initiatives by the government failed because it did not consider the existing practices of the communities. The process of modification in resolutions created confusion at the community level.

Village forest protection committees (VFPCs) were formed between 1988 and 1990 on the basis of the first resolution. The communities were under the impression that it marked ownership of forests to them. Villages were provided maps of the forest area by the forest officials. This was the area protected by them irrespective of its legal category. Little work was done through the institution itself. 155 VFPCs were formed in the Athamallik forest division. The introduction of the 1993 resolution marked the establishment of the van samrakshana samiti (forest protection committee -– VSS) and the concept of sharing of resources generated from forests. A plan was drawn up for the conversion of all VFPCs into VSS. The extension of the resolution to include all categories of forests within joint forest management (JFM) prompted the forest department to retain the reserved forests with them and provide only the revenue forests under the scheme to village institutions. Surprisingly, the lands provided under the VFPCs were also reduced.

The villagers continue to protect the forests assigned to them under the earlier resolution unaware of the changes made during the conversion of VFPCs to VSS. Only 15 VFPCs could be converted into VSS so far. The resolution is being used mainly for the co-option of the self-initiated forest protection groups rather than forming VSS in the degraded forest areas which the programme is meant for.

Again in 1996, a resolution was passed which stated that all forests adjoining the villages and being protected by the village communities would be declared as "village forest" irrespective of its legal and administrative categorisation. But this was termed unimplementable by the forest department though section 28 of the Indian Forest Act, 1927. Section 30 of Orissa Forest Act, 1972 provided space for declaration of village forests. The forest department was happy to continue with the 1993 joint forest management resolution as the final say in matters relating to approval of micro-plan, taking legal action against offenders, deciding the periods of silvicultural operations, etc. rested with the forest department. This kind of approach tends more towards centralisation of power rather than the distribution and decentralisation of power as shown on paper. It is evident from the rejection of the 1996 resolution that the forest department is in no way willing to part with control over forests, nor is it willing to provide an identity to the self-initiated forest protection groups. The management controls over the revenue forests, bestowed upon them through the Supreme Court directives, make their role even more important.

The government of India acknowledged the existence of self-initiated community forest protection groups in its guideline issued to all state governments on 21 February 2000, regarding the implementation of joint forest management programme. The guideline directs that each state make necessary provisions, and expressed the need for identification and recognition of these self-initiated groups and their registration as joint forest management committees after proper verification of records and inquiry. The period of their existence and duties performed for protection and regeneration should also be suitably assessed, and proper weightage given to them for deriving benefits under the programme. Though not an ideal situation, this seems to be a step forward in recognising the existence of self-initiated forest protection groups, but the government of Orissa has still not initiated any steps towards this directive. It is feared that the good intentions laid down in the guidelines may be lost soon.

Conclusion

While rules are framed regarding forests, the need to preserve them as a national resource remains a prime objective. The fact that forests are a local resource is often ignored. Unless the local needs are sustainably met from the forests at the local level, the conservation efforts at the national level are bound to fail. National interests cannot, however, be independent of these indigenous institutions and their stakes. All well-meaning ideas will fail if the traditional communities, who are totally dependent on forests, are bypassed and their historical identities overruled. The identity in the form of legal recognition and tenure rights over the forests will not only encourage the communities but also benefit the ecology and ensure protection of the forests. This would be in the interest of the nation at large.

The declaration of these forests as "village forests" could be the correct platform to start with. This would ensure the much-desired tenurial security over these lands. The van panchayats of Uttaranchal are examples, which have survived over the years since their declaration in the early 20th century. The apprehensions regarding the ability of communities in managing the forests, if provided with complete control, could be dealt with by developing certain mandatory ecological principles for the management of the micro-ecosystems. Facilitating policies and giving an identity to the self-initiated forest protection groups in Athamallik and elsewhere in the state are essential for such institutional systems to survive and continue their efforts to protect the forests for local and national interests.


This is a discussion paper, which has tried to put together some views in a perspective to bring in the aspects of community forest management and the required changes in policy to acknowledge and recognise the role of communities involved in the protection of the forests. The desire is to bring forth the issues to discussion so that the practices of the communities are recognised and proper tenure be worked out. The authors work with the Foundation for Ecological Security and the views expressed in the paper are that of the author and do not necessarily reflect the views of Foundation for Ecological Security.

Monday, September 7, 2009

Banks for a Better Future

Prices of essential commodities are on the upward spiral world-wide. Countries producing food grains are starving for the same. Some say its the bio-fuel rush in the West while some in the West think its Indians eating more that caused the crisis. Whatever may be the reasons stated, one undeniable outcome is the enormous burden it placed on the poor everywhere. The food grains shortage followed by price rise has cut into their pockets deeply. In this context exploring local indigenous systems like grain banks that store in times of surplus and distribute in times of need assumes significance. Subrata Singh portrays an interesting case of the grain banks in Orissa and the transformations the system is going through.

The villages are key institutions characterized by a variety of social arrangements designed to insure village members against a subsistence crisis. For these villages, collective action is a very practical matter, a way to get things done and provide for the public good. The villages in Orissa provide us a rich diversity of such collective action in the form of building infrastructures like Community Centers, roads, ponds etc for the protection of their forests through the thengapalli system, voluntary patrolling. Grain Bank in its present form is an indigenous system of banking paddy and other cereals. It has been designed to address the risk of floods and droughts and the scarcity of food grains. This indigenous system has evolved due to the highly frequent natural calamities.

Angul and Dhenkanal districts in Orissa are subject to floods and drought. The riparian tracks on both sides of the rivers Brahmani and Mahanadi have faced repeated occurrence of flood causing harm to the standing crops. But droughts are a more serious calamity in the district owing to its undulating topography and high porosity of surface soil. These districts have faced recurrent calamities in the late 19th and early 20th centuries.

These districts faced acute food shortages due to flood of 1868, famine of 1889, scarcity of 1897, 1908-09, and famine 1918-19. The famine of 1889 is well recorded-

"In the Angul subdivision there had not been a good harvest of winter rice during the previous four years, while that of 1887-88 was on the average not more than 6 annas and that of 1888-89 not more than 8 annas of a normal crop. Considerable distress was reported in the autumn of 1888, and some measures of relief were adopted, the most important of which was the relaxation of forest rules, but a copious fall of rain in September so improved the condition of things that measure of relief were gradually discontinued, except that the forest rules were not re-imposed. In spite of this rain, however, the rice crop was an indifferent one, and a large portion of higher land was left untilled, for there was great drought from October till the following May. The Mohua, mango and palm crops failed both in Angul and adjoining states, and early in the year the agriculturists found themselves unable to keep the field labourers in their service and discharged them. The later were thus suddenly thrown out of employment, and were unable to find work elsewhere. In ordinary years they might have subsisted for some time on edible roots, fruits etc. of the jungles, but unfortunately in this year jungle produce also failed or became very scarce. The labourers, therefore, being suddenly deprived of all sources of subsistence could only be supported by special measures until demand again arose for their services."

(Source: Orissa District Gazetteer, Dhenkanal).

During these periods too, there have been evidences of the existence of institutions like "Debatara Bhoomi" meaning land meant for deity. These lands were cultivated collectively and the grains produced were used principally for festivals, taking care of visitors as well as distribution to the needy. There were the institutions called DESKOTHS (Village Fund) in almost all the villages of Pallahara Subdivision and adjoining areas, from which people took paddy and paid interests varying from 12% to 25% per year. There were also SARVARAKARS who lent paddy to the people and realized the entire loans after harvest. The origin of Grain Bank is not very distinct but according to the opinion of the experts and older generation people in villages these institutions were started to cope with the scarcity of food grains resulting due to frequent occurrences of floods and droughts. These informal institutions were present in most of the villages. The members used to deposit a fixed amount of grains after harvest and later took back the required amount in the lean season paying an interest fixed by the group itself.

These informal village level grain banks happened to catch the attention of the peeping eyes of the government officials. As a result, these were registered at the panchayat level, grouping several villages together. This was probably with the intention of broadening the working of the institution. Slowly the grain banks got converted into cash cum grain society. With the registration of the society, the government and other agencies also became shareholder of the cooperative society. This has been clearly reflected in the third five-year plan in Orissa:

In Orissa, a special problem has been confronted. 2/3 of the areas (except 5 coastal districts) has been covered by Grain Banks. Of these 1800 banks are cash-cum-grain societies. These societies got RBI participation in share. In Orissa, therefore, steps have been taken to convert these societies into a service pattern by suitably amending the bylaw. In the Action Programme, the banks are recognized for revitalization as recommended by Mehta Committee provided they fulfill the following conditions.

§ Keeping the conformity with the action programme and perform multipurpose activities.

§ Recovery of dues should not be below 60% and possibility of becoming viable within 5 to 8 years.

§ Should not be heavily indebted to cooperatives bank and maintain separate account for cash and grain.

From cash-cum-grain society, these took the shape of credit cum-service society, mainly due to the non-availability of grain and to channelize the supplies of commodities, which are to come through PDS, as it was believed that they would be better substitute to PDS. Another outfit of these credit cum service societies have taken the form of MINI BANKS, which are to encourage savings, and give short-term credits.

Earlier it used to be only agricultural loans, but now loans of other types are also given. At present, most of the societies have only been confined to Service Societies or act as another government body to advance loans. The problems as seen are:

§ Now most of these credit cum-service societies face a problem of non-recovery of loans, resulting in lesser and lesser number of people getting the loans, as less capital is available for circulation.

§ Elections became a formality to meet a few conditions, required by the government. This takes into confidence a few influential people in the village, alienating rest of the members from its functioning.

The objective and direction with which these institutions started, has been lost somewhere in the above process of change. The idea of having a reserve to meet the need of grains and seeds during shortage, have an institution controlled and maintained by the people themselves within the village has been transformed into an attitude of dependency on an institution which is moving further from them in terms of objective, functioning and approachability.

Despite the plethora of intervention systems, we see seeds of the old traditions germinating. Small institutions reappearing, confined to a small group of people, may be at hamlet or a village level, exclusively controlled and maintained by themselves. They are proud of it. For these institutions they do not look for outside help, as outside help has a connotation of interference i.e. negative. Such small scale grain banks are now being formed in many of the villages with the same old principles but far more determined to serve its purpose.

Reproduced from Livelihoods, May 2008

Thursday, September 3, 2009

13th Biennial Conference of the

International Association for the Study of Commons (IASC)

(www.iasc2011.fes.org.in)

The conference will be hosted by Foundation for Ecological Security (FES), an organization that has been involved in assisting the management and governance of Common Property Land Resources since 1986. By working with 1500 village institutions spread across diverse ecosystems of six provinces in the country over the last 22 years, FES is recognized for its activities around commons. FES has been an institutional member of the International Association for the Study of Common Property (IASC) since 1999 and has been a regular participant in the biennial conferences.

Holding the International Conference on Commons in India in January 2011 would provide a unique opportunity to resurface the discussion and debate on commons, bringing international experience and evidence from across the world to show that the commons are not a relic of the past, but can play a strategic role in maintaining ecological health, reducing poverty, and improving collective action. By placing the conference agenda in the ongoing discussions around conservation, local governance, human rights, agrarian distress and rural livelihoods in general, we encourage several networks of practitioner organizations to leverage this opportunity to both integrate their ongoing activities with other streams as well as mainstream commons into their nature of work. By pitching it at the interface of policy and practice; research and action; conservation and development we aim to bring several players to a common meeting ground which would in turn help in sustaining the process beyond the conference. By strategically leveraging the conference, we aim to influence larger policy and programmatic focus in the 12th five year Plan (2012 –2017). The conference is not intended to be a one-time event, but a key piece in a longer process of raising attention on the commons.

Conference Chair: Nitin Desai

Mr. Nitin Desai has served as a Senior Economic Adviser for the World Commission on Environment and Development. He served as Deputy Secretary-General of the 1992 United Nations Conference on Environment and Development (UNCED) and later in 2002 he served as the Secretary General of the World Summit on Sustainable Development (Rio+10). He is also on the Governing Council of the Stockholm Environment Institute and a member of the Commonwealth Secretariat Expert Group on Climate Change. He is involved in the Helsinki process on globalisation and democracy.

Conference Co Chair: Jagdeesh Puppala

Jagdeesh is presently the Chief Executive of the Foundation for Ecological Security (FES).

About FOUNDATION FOR ECOLOGICAL SECURITY


The Foundation for Ecological Security promotes the conservation and sustainable management of natural resources, forests and water in particular, through local self governance institutions. The crux of our efforts lie in locating forests and other natural resources within the prevailing economic, social and ecological demands at the level of villages and village conglomerates and in intertwining principles of conservation and local self governance for the safeguard of the natural surroundings and improvement in the living conditions of the poor. By working on systemic issues that can bring about a multiplier change we try to bring in a gestalt that establishes inter-linkages between ecological, social and economic realities.

Details: www.fes.org.in

Contact: ed@fes.org.in

About IASC

The International Association for the Study of the Commons (IASC) is the leading professional association dedicated to the study of the commons. By bringing researchers from different disciplines together with practitioners and policymakers, the association aims to improve general understanding of shared resources (commons) and provide sustainable solutions for related issues.

IASC’s goals are to

encourage exchange of knowledge among diverse disciplines, world areas, and resource types

• foster mutual exchange of scholarship and practical experience, and

• promote appropriate institutional design

Details: www.iascp.org

Contact: iasc@iasc-commons.org